The Lembah Pantai MP said To be a successful UMNO politician inMalaysia, an individual must be blessed with three attributes: the art of listening patiently, the ability to tolerate fools and the skin of a rhinoceros . Most of the successful practitioners of what has come to be a disreputable profession in Malaysia normally manage the first two—witness the career graph of . However , when it comes to the third, there are too many that falter.There are two issues involved. First, there is an astonishing show of prickliness over anything critical that appears overseas. This suggests a deeply ingrained inferiority complex that most foreigners find deeply amusing. Whereas Chinese xenophobia stems from the country’s upward climb,Malaysia’s gripes are centred on either frustration or plain pig-headedness . Somehow we seem to believe that the rest of the world lives to undermine Malaysia, its beloved leaders and subvert our pre-destined journey to greatness.
The traffic controllers are often considered daredevils. But some of them are taking this trait too far. Is that the reason why we are seeing increasing incidences of them taking the law into their hands with little concern either for their own safety or that of passengers? any lapses in processes or time, many give the impression of a devil-may-care attitude. If any mishap had occurred during Aviators, more than any other profession, have a huge responsibility and commitment towards their passengers. The lives involved are so many more. Mangalore’s tragic accident where 158 people were killed should not be forgotten. But often in the recent past, some pilots have been slipping up, be it drinking in excess, not reporting incidents or being too casual about their jobs. Part of the reason for this is that many join airlines because of contacts and are contemptuous of the rules and regulations that should guide them
In the September 12 incident, the air traffic control system at the Sultan Abdul Aziz Shah Airport failed for nearly two hours from 2.30am to 4.20am when there was “total failure in the system with no radar, no radio frequencies”, said the PKR vice-president.
It is understood that air traffic controllers and aircraft pilots in Malaysian air space were “blind” and air traffic control had to be handled by a neighbouring country.
Nurul Izzah said PKR had earlier requested for an independent audit but the ministry and DCA had dismissed the complaint and did not consider malfunction in the RM125.4 million system as an issue.Apparently every errors done by the Devils or their cronies are NOT an issue…
That show how CORRUPTED the Government is running this Nation…..
PKR please proceed further to this Issue and let us know more details….
Air Control Flop is NOT an Issue…? Who knows, my be, when one plane crash directly into Putra Jaya then only they will consider it a BIG issueAir traffic system malfunction is not an issue. Bloated military purchases is not an issue (national security lah). Scopene subs that can’t dive is not an issue (technical glitch). Cows in condo is not an issue (just charge the whistleblower). LAMP radiation pollution is not an issue (more likely to get traffic accident than radiation poisoning). Rising crime & corruption is not an issue (just a perception). Vote buying (or close to it) is not an issue (PM has lots of money). Oppressive Peaceful Assembly Act is not an issue (go assemble far away at the stadium). Overseas voting is not an issue (just come back to vote lah). Debt ceiling is not an issue (just raise the ceiling lah). BN to win 13th GE is not an issue (bomb voters with more cash/goodies). But you will not get my vote. Hidup rakyat.This is VERY serious! There needs to be a complete investigation and full accounting. Matters like these cannot be compromised with. Higher ups should take note, whether you are a VIP or not you use the same air traffic control system as ordinary Malaysians! A failure there will affect you too!
Exactly! It is proof, because Nurul Izzah provided the time the system was done and Umno-BN and DCA did not refute the time nor directly refute the claim. And no doubt Singapore’s civil aviation authority could verify if it was the neighbouring country that had covered the duration the KLIA2 system was kaput. The big question too is whether DCA and the government is willing to take risks with people and property by installing sub-standard systems at extraordinarily high costs, which in turn would suggest shenanigans by the regime in allowing its cronies to make supernormal and illegal profit.They allow leakages and abuses, corruption and rent-seeking to fester. It appears that health and personal safety are being compromised. Lynas and use of cyanide in Bukit Koman may be detrimental to our health in the long run. A malfunctioning air control system puts air travelers at risk
They allow leakages and abuses, corruption and rent-seeking to fester. It appears that health and personal safety are being compromised. Lynas and use of cyanide in Bukit Koman may be detrimental to our health in the long run. A malfunctioning air control system puts air
travelers at risk
The surest way to ride out an economic slowdown is to improve productivity and competitiveness. Unfortunately, going by the Global Competitiveness Report brought out by the World Economic Forum, India seems to be doing precisely the opposite. Not only has the country slipped 10 ranks in the competitiveness rankings, from the 49th position in 2009-10 to 59th position in 2012-13, but it has also been overtaken by other Brics economies like countries like Brazil and South Africa which are now ranked in the 48th and 52nd position respectively. Meanwhile China, the most competitive Brics country, retained its ranking at the 29th position and even Russia, the laggard Brics nation, has slipped only four rungs to the 67 position during the period.
But what makes the scenario even worse for India is that it is losing out on the competitiveness edge when the country is still languishing at the first stage of development, the factor driven stage where growth is based on factor endowments like natural resources and cheap labour along with 37 other economies like Bangladesh, Nepal, Pakistan and Vietnam. On the other hand most other Brics countries were either in the efficiency driven stage or the innovation driven stage of development where growth is driven by step up in efficiency or by introduction new business models and products.
So what accounts for the sharp fall in India’s competitiveness ranking during the last four years? A cursory glance indicates that the reasons are extensive with India’s rankings slipping sharply in at least half of the dozen parameters that contribute to overall competitiveness. It included competitiveness drivers like infrastructure, institutions, technological readiness, business sophistication and innovations with India’s global ranking in these various parameters falling between 8 to 16 rungs. However the highest fall in the competitiveness parameters was in higher education and training and goods marketing efficiency with India’s ranking going down by 20 and 27 places respectively. The only solace was that the country’s ranking has remained fairly stable in the case of other parameters like macroeconomic environment, health and primary education, labour market efficiency, financial market development and market size. Given such complexity of the national competitiveness it is no great surprise that India has to focus on an extensive set of reforms to improve it competitiveness and get the economy back on the rails
And the possibilities of a reversal of the trends and an improvement in competiveness are not too daunting. In fact the experiences of some Asian countries give India some semblance of hope. The best example we have closest to home is that Philippines which has improved it global competitiveness by 22 places over the last four years. And its problems are similar to that of India with the economy lacking in adequate infrastructure and rigidities persisting in labor markets. So it is now up to the government to let loose a slew of reforms that improve the competitiveness of the Indian economy and accelerate growth to the pre crisis levels.
August 13 marks a special day in the history of women’s rights in Tunisia [AFP]
|There are concerns amongst vociferous civil society activists about the status of women in the country’s new constitution, the drafting of which may require longer time than initially anticipated. Whereas these voices are legitimate and should provide the questioning and citizenry input demanded by genuine democratic transition, there is a degree of misrepresentation, by some forces and discourses of the issues involved.
This question is one of many that have over the last a few months added to political dynamism by a polity and society learning to find voice and found presence, but inevitably also produced polarisation, which excludes no single political party or group of actors.
There are a few issues that are at the core of rising polarisation within Tunisia’s polity. This article looks at the rights of women within the process of constitution-framing.
Women: Place and Space
August was hot in more than a way in Tunisia. August 13 stood out. It was a day of protest, and to that end women mobilised and organised nationally to remind the law-makers in the Constituent Assembly, tasked with constitution-framing, that their rights are not negotiable. As it were, the country’s women, justifiably, want equal share of the public space, refusing to be relegated secondary status – a place as it were – in men’s imagining of community for new Tunisia.
August 13 is for most Tunisian women a special day. Back in 1956, on that day the single most important piece of legislation enshrining women’s right to equality was passed under the tutelage of the late Habib Bourguiba, the country’s first president.
Fifty six years later, and 18 months after the January 14 Revolution, women mobilised to contest the article on gender “complementarity” in the country’s draft constitution.
Till now, as the constitution is far from final stage of drafting, they beg to differ, and in this vein they are standing up for the right to equality.
This is not a stand for the sake of difference as much as it is for the greater sake of clarity about equality in all aspects related to being, thinking and acting as full citizens in a transitional stage during which “words” in the articles of the new constitution has implications for creating “worlds” in the reconstitution of identity and subjectivity.
From this angle, what Tunisia’s women, who hail from the Trade Union Movement, civic bodies, les femmes democrats, and organisations of all political colours, are seeking to communicate to the interim law – makers is a democratic right. Without it, nascent democratic society and polity risks backsliding into univocal decision – making.
The Contest and its Contexts
This particular contest, amongst others taking place at an exciting moment in the country’s democratic transition, re-opens debates from the times of Bourguiba regarding questions of identity, specificity and the brand of modernity suited to Tunisia.
That is the title of the famous treatise written by Tahar Haddad in the 1920s. He was more or less following in the steps of Egypt’s first male feminist, Qasim Amin, author of seminal works on the woman question.
In the Tunisian context, the early feminism was part of the second wave of socio-political renaissance or nahdah, which broadened the scope of the reformist trajectory subsumed under a political agenda shaped at the time of French colonialism.
Freedom, initially Western-inspired from the time of the reformist statesman Khayr Al-Din Pasha, was broadened to look at non-political impediments to nation-building and full citizenship. Gender equality was found to be lacking.
Haddad’s treatise at once confirms the sanctity of Islamic law and Quranic scripture, arguing women’s rights are God-given. Yet at the same time he favoured what he considered to be legitimate innovation, calling for new marriage and inheritance laws to supersede clear Quranic injunctions on these sensitive matters of law in Islam.
Haddad, the “feminist” reformer of the early twentieth-century Tunisia, was clear about this agenda despite initial controversy over his ideas and resistance from the upholders of tradition. This resistance has not ceased and the current draft constitution, including the reference to “complementarity” instead of “equality”, has reopened the debate in Tunisia.
Despite controversy and opposition to them, Haddad’s ideas eventually held sway within the political leadership of the nationalist movement and the reform-minded elite of the time. In particular, Bourguiba was attentive to this message, something he passionately embraced and vigorously embodied in the constitutional apparatus of Tunisia’s first republic over which he was the chief executive for thirty years.
The end result was Bourguiba’s 1956 Personal Status Code which enshrined the principle of gender equality, which banned polygamy, amongst other laws.
The personal status code: the alternative view
From the outset the voices and forces of Islam and Muslim identity had an issue with the Personal Status Code. What Bourguiba viewed as a piece of law encapsulating rethought and enlightened Islam, many learned scholars from the Mosque-University of Zeitouna, the equivalent of Al-Azhar in Egypt, regarded as an affront to religious sensibility, norms and teachings.
The late Shaykh Mohamed Salih Al-Nayfar, one of the leading Zeitouna scholars declared his opposition to the Personal Status Code from the time of its drafting and inception. More or less, he saw it as a piece of legislation, perhaps not even the brain-child of Bourguiba’s own thinking, reflecting excessive and insensitive Westernisation.
In a nutshell, Shaykh Al-Nayfar quarrelled with the Personal Status Code’s contradiction with Islamic law in matters ranging from divorce to polygamy.
To an extent, the question of the status of women in society and Bourguiba Francophile signature on social and political renewal was at the core of the polarity begun in the 1970s by the rising voices of Islamism, which at the time confined its activities to protection of the Islamic heritage, namely, Quranic teaching, education and guidance.
These questions proved sufficiently relevant in the early 1980s in the shaping of the moral, social and political agenda of the Islamic Tendency Movement, the Nahda Party’s precursor in Tunisia. The tension with Bourguiba’s brand of reform overshadowed the rise of Tunisian Islamism. Like Al-Nayfar, Shaykh Rachid Ghannouchi had issues with the Personal Status Code but that did not mean he is opposed to gender equality. To the contrary, he champions women’s rights.
He sought to found for a brand of equality that was sensitive to Tunisian specificity, accounting for religious faith and Arab identity. This was the subject of his own treatise “Women: Between the Quran and the Reality of Muslims”.
The current contests and counter-contests over the draft law on the so-called “complementarity” must be understood in this context. The “complementarity” law has implications for the “sanctity” accorded to the Personal Status Code by many Tunisians, men and women. The Nahda Party has repeatedly declared its commitment to the Code and willingness to work within its framework.
Does the draft “complementarity” law represent a kind of volte face?
Equality vs. complementarity
Under the section on “rights and freedoms”, there is evidence of innovation and insistence on the inviolability of citizen’s rights, sanctity of humanity, dignity, and body, making illegal practices such as torture or unlawful detention. Thus stipulates Article 2 in the draft constitution, affirming the value of sanctity of life in the previous one.
The task has been painstaking with the legislators giving more than two versions for each article in one draft I have seen.
The controversy surrounding “complementarity” arises in Article 28, which is crystal clear about banning all forms of discrimination and violence against women. What is not clear, including why the constitution is in the first place dealing with family matters, is the subtext of the wording in this article.
The specific context “complementarity” is mentioned in Article 28 is the family. The text goes something like “The state guarantees the protection of women’s rights and consolidation of [past] gains based on women being fundamental partners to men in nation-building, with their roles complementing one another within the family.”
The gains are clear, and in many ways this confirms what Nahda has all along stated that it is committed to the 1956 Personal Status Code. Of course, under Tunisian Law, the Personal Status Code as a “majallah” (legal code) is no more than an ordinary law, and thus takes secondary status to the constitution. Perhaps this is what justifies women’s fear for the future of “equality” if the new constitution takes precedence over the Personal Status Code.
Amongst those gains were women’s right to file for divorce, claim maintenance, and many cases has custodianship rights after divorce. The key issue is that of equality. The ambiguity built into Article 28 is not helpful.
How married couples perform “complementarity” within the family is open to interpretation, especially in a society where local custom and religious norms are part of the template of identity. This is one reason why critics of this type of wording, in particular the reference to how husbands and wives go about “complementing” each other’s roles inside the private realm, view this as a form of subverting the existing legal paradigm, Bourguiba’s Personal Status Code, which is clear about equality.
Noteworthy here is the fact that in private matters of money-spending, women had the right to spend their money or income as they choose; but in matters of inheritance Islamic Law remained supreme, according women half the share of male inheritors.
In family matters, there was no obligation for married women to spend their private money on maintenance and may do so only if they choose to do so – and most do regardless of what the law says. This was slightly modified in Article 23, Law 93 – 74 of 12 July 1993. This law affirms mutual obligation and burden-sharing in matters of provision for the family, for the greater sake of common welfare, of spouses and their children. Even here, despite reference to local norms and traditions, women alone determine what degree of help they may lend to their husbands in matters of providence.
Equal Complementarity or Just “Complementarity”
Tunisian law-makers can, and I’d wager they will diffuse the controversy by opting of equality. Complementarity is never “equal complementarity” – whatever that means if it had ever existed anywhere.
At this stage of Tunisia’s transition, there are issues that can be resolved by clear language. Language implies power, and in this case building ambiguity in the new constitution will not make for smooth transition. By opting for the word “equality”, the Nahda Party and its partners can kill two birds with one stone: they commit unequivocally to “equality” as well as “equal complentarity” – not just “complementarity”.