.DATUK KADIR JASIN Tuans left. For some reasons, they forgot to send back to India or bring with them
We, his Melayu friends, called him China Yap and he loved every bit of it. We could very well be the last Malaysians who could call each other by our “bangsa” and not a bit offended by it ?
In a Malaysia that is becoming more racially polarised and economically dichotomised, the passing of my Chinaman friend, Yap Keng Hock, on August 14 was a sad moment
THIS IS WHAT DATUK KADIR JASIN WROTE IN HIS BLOG–in 1957 to their communities.Tuans left. For some reasons, they forgot to send back to China and India or bring with them to old England the millions of indentured Chinese and Indian workers. , theInstead, the Tuans told the lazy but kindhearted Malays, led by a prince no less, that they could have their independence on condition that they accord citizenship to the Chinese and Indians who choose to stay put.Overnight, the Persekutuan Tanah Melayu aka the Federation of Malaya embraced one million Chinese and Indian immigrants.Filth and Evil never ever changes – it can hide, camouflage itself, but will never deliver benefits. If you the rakyat votes in filth and evil, you deserve to get screwed (likely from the back after witnessing the penchant for posterior talents) People get the governance they deserve. (so think wisely…)
this taxidriver ask DATUK KADIR JASIN why the NST GROUP are prapagating lies and fitnah while anwar was not around did they care ANWAR’S WIFE AND HIS VERY YOUNG CHILDRED AT THAT TIME HE WAS RECRUITING A YOUNG PROSTITUTE IN NST BY THE NAME OF JOCELINE TAN I ASK THIS HOW YOU EARN YOUR THIS WAY AND YOU FEED YOUR CHILDREN AND YOUR WIFE HE JUST LOOK AT ME AND SMILE HE SAID HE HAS TO DRAW A LINE OR TAKEN IN WITH ISA I ASK HIM TO RESIGN HE TOLD ME HE AND JOCELINE TAN KNOWS ONLY TO PROSTITUTE I DARE HIM TO SUE ME COS THESE WORD COME FROM HIS MOUTH
But in public, we would refrain from calling out to each other by our bangsa ― Melayu and China ― for fear that we might offence the sensibilities of the new Malaysian generation who are not used to the kind of camaraderie that once defined our multiracial and cross cultural relationship.
Our group comprised the late Captain Mahyuddin Ahmad of Kulim, Kedah; Yap, the executive director of Media Prima Berhad; Ahmad A. Talib and yours truly.
Mahyuddin and Yap collaborated in business. When Mahyuddin was a manager at Marco Shoes in Klang, Yap supplied moulds and dyes for Nike shoes that the company was then manufacturing under licence. Yap learned mould and dye making in Japan when he was sent there by his early employer, Matsushita.
Mahyuddin went on to set up a mill in Kulim to produce castrating rings for animal husbandry. Mahyuddin’s business was inherited by his children and all of Yap’s four children are working in the family business together with Yap’s younger brother, Gary.
When I was introduced to Yap in the late 1970’s, he was running a makeshift foundry in Klang. I noted in my report in the Business Times newspaper that his foundry looked more like a pigsty than a factory.
He enjoyed every bit of the report and told me later that even American bankers found his story inspiring. When the factory caught fire and was totally destroyed, he built a better one.
Yap was indeed a kampung boy who made good thanks to his Malay and English education, and the fact that he was born and raised in a mixed rural town in Negeri Sembilan.
Today, there aren’t that many Malays like Mahyuddin and Chinese like Yap, who attended bilingual multi-ethnic schools where the command of the Malay and English languages built bridges and tore down communal fences.
Sadly today, the Malays and other Bumiputeras attend national schools, the Chinese go to Chinese-type national schools and Tamil-speaking Indians go to Tamil-type national schools.
They all call themselves national, but they are separated by geography, language, culture and quality of education. To add to the confusion we also have private and international schools where the better-off parents are free to send their children.
Little surprise that when products of this fractured school system meet each other in later life, they are already influenced by deep racial, religious and cultural biases that makes the fostering of a true bangsa Malaysia nearly impossible.
As I grow older and many of good friends of those unprejudiced times are either dead or struck down by age-related illnesses, I look back at the past with a mixture of satisfaction and nostalgia that we were once true Malayans (and later Malaysians). Wallahualam. ― kadirjasin.blogspot.com
PAGI ini, rancangan saya “dicemarkan” oleh demonstrasi Bersih di ibu negara. Laluan saya sesak kerana beberapa batang jalan ditutup. Setelah beberapa lama tersangkut dalam kesesakan lalu lintas, saya berpatah balik dan menukar haluan.
Saya ucapkan tahniah kepada kenalan saya pada ketika saya bekerja dengan Kumpulan New Straits Times (1976-2000), Abdul Samad Said aka A Samad Said kerana buat kali pertama berjaya menggagalkan saya.
Walaupun A Samad Said kanan daripada saya di NST/Berita Harian, tetapi beliau tidak pernah menjadi halangan atau ancaman apatah lagi menggagalkan saya.
Tetapi hari ini, A Samad Said berjaya menggagalkan saya. Akibat demonstrasi yang beliau dokong bersama seorang lain bernama Ambiga a/p G. Sreenevasan, saya gagal sampai ke destinasi saya. Tetapi saya tidak keseorangan. Ramai lagi yang menderita nasib yang sama.
Saya ucapkan tahniah kepada Sasterawan Negara itu kerana persekongkolan beliau dengan Ambiga dan libertarian lain berjaya memujuk, menghasut dan mempengaruhi orang dan kelompok tertentu berdemonstrasi di ibu negara.
Saya yakin kedudukan istimewa A Samad Said sebagai sasterawan Melayu yang terkenal dan perwatakan beliau yang lemah lembut telah berjaya dimanfaatkan oleh golongan libertarian untuk menarik penyertaan Melayu ikutan.
Libertarian adalah aktivis politik yang menekankan kebebasan, hak individu dan perkongsian atau pakatan sukarela. Melalui pakatan dan perkongsian sukarela inilah mereka bergerak sebagai gerakan politik.
Di negara barat, gerakan libertarian inilah yang menjadi pemangkin kepada kegiatan politik apa yang disebut sebagai LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual dan transsexual).
Saya tidak berani mengatakan A Samad Said tidak tahu atau tidak faham falsafah politik libertarian ini. Sebagai penulis dan Sasterawan Negara, saya andaikan beliau cukup berilmu dan bermaklumat.
Jadi, beliau mungkin membabitkan diri dalam gerakan politik golongan libertarian ini kerana beliau ingin menjejaki laluan sasterawan besar seperti (antara lain) Allahyarham A Samad Ismail, Usman Awang (Tongkat Waran) dan Ishak Haji Muhamad (Pak Sako) yang agung, unggul dan terkenal kerana activism politik mereka.
Dari sudut pandangan peribadi saya, A Samad Said telah sedikit sebanyak berjaya menonjolkan imej itu melalui pembabitannya sebagai Pengerusi Bersama (Co-Chairman) Bersih. Kini ramai yang mengaitkan keterampilan beliau dengan pejuang komunis Vietnam, “Uncle” Ho Chi Minh. Kelainan A Samad Said mudah dipisahkan daripada khalayak.
Malah di kalangan generasi muda, termasuk dalam media massa, mereka mula mengelirukan beliau dengan A Samad Ismail apabila mereka menggelar beliau Pak Samad. Bagi generasi saya dan mereka yang dekat dengan dunia kesusasteraan Melayu, panggilan mesra dan hormat Pak Samad adalah sinonim dengan dan eksklusif kepada A Samad Ismail. Bagi kami, wujud dikotomi yang luas antara A Samad Ismail (Pak Samad) dengan A Samad Said.
Mungkin baik bagi pengkaji sosial, politik dan sastera Melayu mendalami hal ini kerana ia berkait rapat dengan minda Melayu yang suka mengikut dan mudah teruja dengan idea-idea asing yang tidak mereka fahami.
Penjajah Inggeris dulu dan bangsa-bangsa lain di Malaysia memahami psyche orang Melayu ini dan mereka secara sengaja mengko-opt atau melantik orang Melayu ke dalam pergerakan mereka bagi mewujudkan gambaran dan imageri yang pergerakan mereka adalah pergerakan nasional.
Kita lihat bagaimana DAP sejak akhir-akhir ini begitu gigih mencari keahlian Melayu bagi menghapuskan imej yang ia adalah parti komunal orang Cina. Jadi, tidaklah menghairankan kalau gerakan libertarian dan pinggiran juga mengko-opt orang Melayu sebagai maskot dan tukang jampi mereka.
Lagipun, adalah lebih berkesan melihat orang Melayu sebagai bangsa majoriti, berguling di atas jalan raya atau berkonfrontasi dengan polis Melayu berbanding orang Cina atau India. Sebab itulah dalam banyak demonstrasi jalanan sejak kebelakangan ini, yang berada di barisan hadapan adalah Melayu.
Apabila berkonfrontasi dengan polis atau ketika berperang dengan pengganas komunis, ketuanan (leadership) orang Melayu tidak dipertikaikan. Orang Melayu menjadi “tuan” di barisan hadapan. Ketuanan Melayu menjadi busuk dan hanyir hanyalah apabila orang Melayu menuntut hak asasi mereka. Wallahualam.
Before joining the Times of India in 1993 as a roving correspondent, I was part of the radical Left movement led then by the CPI-ML (Liberation). However, sufferings of dalits, adivasis and the working classes—natural Left constituencies—did not contribute to my early, personal radicalization. Still a student leader in the Allahabad University, I took active part in debates, discussions concerning national-international topics—and agitations mainly—on student issues.
In 1984, the day our Prime Minister Indira Gandhi was assassinated, I was in Calcutta. I had gone there to take part in the national conference of the Indian Peoples Front—the only attempt of its kind—of a Communist Party sponsoring a democratic-peoples party in India—made under the leadership of late comrade Vinod Mishra—the then general secretary of the CPI-ML (Liberation).
Since I was also part of an agit-prop street theatre group—the Dasta Natya Manch (DNM)—we were performing a play on Calcutta streets—when the situation rapidly deteriorated after the news of Mrs Gandhi’s assassination. We were told to run and hide as police vans were coming our way for a total clampdown on any movement on foot or vehicles. Yet, after about half an hour, I saw a mob attacking a Sikh truck driver. After a while, the driver was on the streets, begging for his life. Thrashed mercilessly by the mob, the Sikh was soon burned to death, a tyre hanging around his neck.
The police were nowhere in sight.
Back then, I was only 18 years of age; the incident traumatized me so deeply that after I got back to Allahabad I fought with everyone—including my close relatives—who—as per the norm those days—were abusing Sikhs incessantly.
For several days, I was unable to sleep; I was full of rage; it was good that I did not have access to a gun those days—I would certainly have used it on some right-wing, communal/anti-Sikh element in Allahabad, Uttar Pradesh.
I am expressing my inner most urges to make a point—that during desperate/unjust times—a sensitive human being—belonging to the majority community—can be driven to anti right-wing violence. Being a ruling class brahmin—whose family had protected Muslims during the 1947 riots—and who took any violence against minorities as a challenge to his sense of honour directly—also must have contributed a lot to my aggressive stance.
So, imagine the plight/mindset of minority communities who saw unspeakable crimes—raping of daughters and mauling of children—being committed on their kith and kin.
Then in 1986—communal police officers of the Uttar Pradesh police—unleashed massive state sponsored violence —even on respectable Allahabadi Muslim citizens like the Delhi-based journalist Zafar Agha—working for India Today—a prestigious weekly. In the 1980s, much before the Ram Mandir movement, communal/right-wing forces used the police and the Uttar Pradesh Provincial Armed Constabulary (PAC), to butcher Muslims in Meerut, Muzffarnagar and Aligarh.
Slowly, I began realizing that in India—sometimes—one can survive—even thrive—as an upper caste Naxalite. But it was impossible to live life with dignity as a member of any minority community.
The Babari Masjid was pulled down in 1992; as narrated by several Mumbai cops openly—and included in the Srikrishna Commission Report—Muslim children were given milk laced with poison—by Mumbai Police officials themselves—who were supposed to protect them. I have narrated the terrifying tale of 4th degree torture on Muslims—perpetrated by senior Mumbai Police officers during in the post-1993 Mumbai blast phase—in a recent article.
By the time I learned about the 2002 Gujarat genocide and the brutal, day light killing of Ehsan Jafri in Ahmedabad, I had already realized that unless a revolution shakes the system in India minorities are destined to live as second class citizens.
There was some hope when Congress came to power in 2004 on a strong anti-communal plank. Manmohan Singh, while assuming the office of India’s Prime Minister in 2004, promised an end to the divisive era of communal conflagrations seen in the 1990s.
During the years of the UPA I regime, violence against Christians in Orissa and elsewhere made national headlines; to me, it became obvious that had the Maoists—most of them upper caste Hindus of Orissa like Sabyasachi Panda—not intervened to beat back Bajrang Dal-RSS-VHP activists/leaders—Orissa would have witnessed several more Graham Staines type murder cases.
Things came to a head in 2008. With just a year left before Parliamentary elections in 2009, bomb blasts began rocking Indian cities with alarming frequency. Security agencies and police forces of different states blamed an unknown outfit—the Indian Mujahideen (IM)—for the blasts. From July to September 2008—in a span of just three months—more than 100 blasts—killing innumerable men, women and children—tested the patience of Hindus and Muslims—to the outer most limit.
The electronic media began playing the `breaking news’ card after 2008 blasts. Hundreds of Muslims too died in 2008 incidents. But instant media trials—which earned media houses the rap of the Supreme Court—blamed Muslims—and Muslims alone—for the blasts. Imagine the kind of anger Muslim and Hindus must have felt against each other back then; so, whoever was behind the 2008 blasts, isn’t it obvious that the detonations constituted part of a conspiracy to divide the nation along communal lines for someone to achieve power in 2009? We have only two national parties. Who would benefit more—Congress or BJP—in a communally surcharged electoral atmosphere is anybody’s guess.
Further on, September 19, 2008, saw the Delhi Police Special Cell gunning down two Muslim youths in the now infamous Batala House encounter; October 2008 saw blasts in Malegaon and several other places. Then almost by divine intervention—Hemant Karkare—the Maharashtra ATS Chief—brought out—for the first time in the history of post-Independence India—concrete proof of Sangh Parivar involvement—in bomb blasts.
With this one act, Hemant Karkare foiled the entire game-plan to communalize the polity. Perhaps, because of this reason Karkare—along with Kaamte and Salskar—was killed mysteriously, during the 26/11 operations. At the time of his assassination, Hemant Karkare was close to implicating top RSS-BJP leaders in terror acts.
After all the name of Indresh—a top ranking RSS leader—did crop up as a perpetrator—in the Samjhauta Express blast case (Read about it here:http://www.milligazette.com/news/562-rss-leader-indresh-kumar-paid-for-samjhauta-blast-terror).
On hindsight, Karkare’s martyrdom halted the dangerous, communalization of Indian politics that would have brought BJP to power for sure in 2009.
In 2012, the first thing that came to my mind when I heard of violence in Assam was that communal/right-wing forces had begun their game of preparing for 2014 Parliamentary elections.
But 2012 is not 2008. In the 1960s and 1970s, communal riots between rival mobs used to be the norm. 1980s were home to the police Vs Muslims/Sikhs/minorities syndrome. Bomb blasts `planted by Muslim perpetrators’ replaced old type of communal conflagrations in the 1990s and 2000s.
But after the 2008 exposure of Sangh Parivar terrorism, the efficacy of bomb blasts achieving communal polarization became doubtful.
So, this time around, it seems that ethnic riots with a communal slant—between minorities—are replacing bomb blasts. Instead of a minority-majority clash, the game plan seems to be of pitting one minority against the other. This explains the way Bodo militants—belonging to an ethnic minority group—first attacked Bengali Muslims—a religious minority. Then an issue of Bangladeshi infiltrators was inserted in the script.
Soon doctored images of violence on Muslims, pamphlets, SMS’ mushroomed out of nowhere—and before one could gather one’s wits—a `Muslim backlash’ was seen first, in Pune, Mumbai and Karnataka. Then, Allahabad, Lucknow and Kanpur saw mild protests and violence.
The Lucknow violence happened in front of me on 17th August 2012—I happened to be in the city for some personal work. In the afternoon, I went into town to meet some Muslim friends.
My friends were coming out of the Teelewali Masjid in the heart of Lucknow city after the Friday namaaz when stones started flying—one hit a friend of mine on the head. Suddenly, the cry of Bajrang Dal activists on the prowl went up. Though incidents in Assam and Burma were being avidly discussed, Muslims who went to the Uttar Pradesh Vidhan Sabha on August 17, 2012 to protest actually wanted to voice their anger against stone pelting by Bajrang Dal activists.
Not a single newspaper wrote about what I saw…
In Allahabad, Muslim community leaders had cancelled the scheduled protest on August 17. The Lucknow pattern was repeated—Muslims coming out after rendering the all important `Jume (Friday) ki namaaz’ in old Allahabad—were provoked by Bajrang Dal activists.
On August 11 in Mumbai too, the initial violence occurred when MNS activists taunted Muslim youths for `sitting idle’ after Assam and Burma incidents. Not many people are aware of the fact that till recently, Raj Thackarey’s MNS had a lot of Muslim activists as well.
In Mumbai, after the initial flare-up, some professional elements—revealed to me by Mumbai police sources as being under contract (supari) to create violence on August 11, 2012—to defame Muslims—took over. They were the ones who beat up the police and molested women constables. I was surprised when I saw comments on the net by some noted secular-social activists condemning Mumbai violence without taking into account genuine Muslim grievances or probing the criminal-mafia-supari angle.
The exodus of northeast Indians began from Pune and Bangalore, Karnataka. The infiltration in Pune by RSS-ISI-Mossad type elements is well known in Maharashtra police circles. In fact, three Muslims—Sarfaraz, Imran Khan and Arif—have been arrested by the Pune police for sending fake SMS’. According to the Pune police, Imran received the SMS from Sarfaraz—the former then forwarded the same to Arif. Now while Imran Khan runs, a small business, Arif sells CDs. But—here is the best part—the police are unwilling to reveal anything about Sarfaraz!
In the light of Qateel Siddiqui’s murder inside Pune’s high security Yerawada jail premise—the framing of several Muslim youth of the city in terror cases by the Maharashtra ATS headed by Rakesh Maria—a known Muslim baiter—Maharashtra police sources claim that the attack on students of the northeast—and the circulation of SMS’—might have been the work of some Muslim youths who actually are police informers! Now Sarfaraz is saying that one Kanjeel Sheikh of Ahmednagar forwarded the SMS’ to him!
A front page report in Indian Express, published on August 22, 2012, quotes the Karnataka police in saying that Anees Pasha, a cell-phone repairman, might have sent the inflammatory SMS’ that led to the exodus of northeast Indian students from the state.
Now, who is Anees Pasha? The Indian Express report goes on to report that “Police sources (Karnataka) said that Pasha is a highly skilled cell-phone repairman… Police had often sought his assistance in retrieving software data during their investigations in the past”!
Isn’t this shocking? How come Muslims arrested in terror cases turn out to be either police informers or collaborators? RK Singh, India’s home secretary, talked of a Pakistani hand in the circulation of SMS’; is Anees Pasha a Pakistani? If yes, then how was he working for the Karnataka police? As the charge-sheet filed by the Maharashtra ATS against Raj Kumar Purohit and other accused in the 2008 Malegaon blasts shows, is there really a connection between ISI and the RSS?
Again, only an impartial investigation can reveal the true picture. But, it is apparent that as the 2014 elections draw closer, the cycle of violence will only increase. Tens of thousands of Muslim and Hindu men, women and children—belonging to the poorer/lower middle classes—or ethnic/religious minorities—will be sacrificed like proverbial lambs. Communal/right-wing forces—backed by foreign agencies (not just ISI)—have a high—do or die—kind of stake in 2014. Any definitive secular government—even of the Third Front type—is alien to their interests. They will stop at nothing to achieve power. A fascist government under Narendra Modi following widespread anarchy—and the killing of minorities by minorities—form part of their grand scheme of things.
This time, perhaps, even divine intervention will not be able to save India.